内容简介
《世界政治与国际关系原版影印丛书·学术精品系列·国家间政治:权力斗争与和平(简明版)(英文影印版)》一书明确提出了以权力界定的国家利益概念,并突出阐明了国际政治的现实主义六项原则,全面而系统地阐述了现实主义的国际政治理论,从而奠定了国际政治学的学科地位,并使本书成为国际政治学现实主义流派的奠基之作,也是具有代表性的现实主义国际政治作品,其影响在西方长盛不衰。该书自1948年初版以来已经多次再版,在我国已经有三个译本流传,哺育了几代学人。此简明版原版经过作者的学生和研究助理、也是著名的国际关系理论家肯尼思·汤普森的整理,旨在为相关专业学生提供学习参考,是非常适用的教学参考书。
作者简介
汉斯·摩根索( Hans J.Morgenthau),1904年生于德国,1923-1927年间先后在柏林大学、法兰克福大学和慕尼黑大学主攻法律。后在法兰克福从事法律实践和教学。1937年移居美国,曾任教于纽约布鲁克林学院、堪萨斯城市大学,1943年进入芝加哥大学,成为政治学系副教授、教授,也曾担任法兰克福社会研究所纽约新所的政治科学教授等,并且曾是哥伦比亚大学、哈佛大学、耶鲁大学和加州大学的访问教授。1950-1968年期间担任芝加哥大学美国对外政策研究中心主任,期间还兼任美国国务院和国防部顾问。除本书外,摩根索的主要著作还有:《国际政治的原则和问题》(1951年)、《捍卫国家利益》(1951年)、《美国政治的目标》( 1962年)、《政治的困境》(1958年)、《真理与权力》(1970年)等。肯尼思·汤普森( Kenneth WThompson),美国弗吉尼亚大学威尔逊政府管理和外交事务学院教授,创立并领导了弗吉尼亚大学米勒公共事务研究中心。他曾是汉斯·摩根索的学生和研究助理,主要著作有:《国际思想大师》(1980年)、《国际思想之父》(1994年)、《国际关系中的思想流派》(1996年)以及《政治与外交中的传统和价值观》(1992年)、《政治现实主义与世界政治危机》(1960年)。
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精彩书评
不论国际政治的最终目的是什么,权力始终是其直接目标。为权力而斗争在时空中无处不在,是一个不可否认的经验事实。
——汉斯·摩根索《国家间政治》
从广泛的知识意义上而言,摩根索打下了国际政治的基础。
——肯尼思·汤普森(《政治现实主义与世界政治危机》)
迄今为止,在流派林立的西方政治理论界,恐怕还没有一部论著的影响能够超过摩根索的《国家间政治》……在40年时间里,摩根索的理论在西方长盛不衰。
——王缉思(摘自《国家间政治》1990年中译本序)
汉斯·摩根索……是美国国际政治学界大师,他的主要著作《国家间政治》被认为是使国际政治学成为一门独立的、系统化的社会科学门类的关键作品。在他以后,国际政治学的发展又经历了好些个阶段,学者们又有不少新的贡献和跨越,但没有一个阶段和一个学者能够在实现自己的进步时完全无视摩要索的工作,他们是“站在巨人的肩膀上”完成这种跨越的。
(该书)也是一部系统的教科书,里面涉及到古典政治学的基本原理、它们在国际关系中的运用、国际体系的概念和外交的基本原则、欧洲近代国家间体系的历史和国际史学家对它们的总结;这本书像是一部国际政治的“小百科全书”,不论你是否赞成作者的具体结论,通过阅读你总能够对国际政治学家研究的主要对象和基本范围有一个总体的了解,包括国际政治学特有的范畴、术语和常识等。
——王逸舟(《西方国际政治学:历史和理论》)
目录
Preface to the Brief Edition
Preface to the Sixth Edition
PART ONE
Theory and Practice of International Polttics
1 A Reajist Tbeory of lnternational Politics
SIX PRINCIPLES OF POLITICAL REALISM
2 The Science of International Politics
UNDERSTANDINC INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
Different Approaches
Limitations to Understanding
UNDERSTANDING THE PROBLEM OF INTERNATIONAL PEACE
PART TWO
In,tern,ation,al Politics as a Struggle for Power
3 Political Power
WHAT IS POLITICAL POWER?
As Means to the Nation's Ends
Its Nature: Four Distinctions
THE DEP:RECIATION OF POLITICAL POWER
TWO ROOTS OF THE DEPRECIATION OF POLITICAL POWER
Nineteenth-Century Philosophy
The American Experience
THE SCIENCE OF PEACE: CONTEMPORARY UTOPIANISM
4 The Struggle for Power: Policy of the Status Quo
5 The Struggle for Power: Imperialism
WHAT IMPERIALISM IS NOT
ECONOMIC THEORIES OF IMPERIALISM
The Marxist, Liberal, and "Devil" Theories of Imperialism
Criticism of These Theories
DIFFERENT TYPES OF IMPERIALISM
Three Inducements to Imperialism
Victorious War
Lost War
Weakness
Three Goals of Imperialism
World E'mpire
Continental Empire
Local Preponderance
Three Methods of Imperialism
Military Imperialism
Economic Imperialism
Cultural Imperialism
HOW TO DETECT AND COUNTER AN IMPERIALISTIC POLICY
The Problem of Policy: Containment, Appeasement, Fear
The Problem of Detection
6 The Struggle for Power: Policy of Prestige
DIPLOMATIC CEREMONIAL
DISPLAY OF MILITARY FORCE
TWO OBJECTIVES OF THE POLICY OF PRESTIGE
THREE CORRUPTIONS OF THE POLICY OF PRESTIGE
7 The Ideological Element in International Policies
THE NATURE OF POLITICAL IDEOLOGIES
TYPICAL IDEOLOGIES OF FOREIGN POLICIES
ideologies of the Status Quo
Ideologies of Imperialism
Ambiguous Ideologies
THE PROBLEM OF RECOGNITION
PART THREE
National Power
8 The Essence of National Power
WHAT IS NATIONAL POWER?
ROOTS OF MODERN NATIONALISM
Retreat from Nationalism: Apparent and Real
Personal Insecurity and Social Disintegration
9 Elements of National Power
GEOGRAPHY
NATURAL RESOURCES
Food
Raw Materials
The Power of Oil
……
PART FOUR
Limitations of National Power: The Balance of Power
PART FIYE
Limitations of National Power: International Morality and World Public Opinion
PART SIX
Limitations of National Power: International Law
PART SEVEN
International Politics in the Con,temporary World
PART EIGHT
The Problem of Peace: Peace through Limitation,
PART NINE
The Problem of Peace: Peace through Tran,sformation
PART TEN
The Problem of Peace: Peace through Accommodation,
Historical Glossary
Index
精彩书摘
Since size of population is one of the factors upon which national powerrests, and since the power of one nation is always relative to the power of others, the relative size of the population of countries competing for power and,especially, the relative rate of their growth deserve careful attention. A countryinferior in size of population to its competitor will view with alarm a decliningrate of growth if the population of its competitor tends to increase more rapidly.Such has been the situation of France with regard to Germany between 1870and 1940. During that period, the population of France increased by fourmillion, whereas Germany registered a gain of twenty-seven million. While in1800 every seventh European was a Frenchman, in 1930 only every thirteenthwas a Frenchman. In 1940, Cermany had at its disposal about fifteen millionmen fit for military service, whereas France had only five million.On the other hand, ever since the unification in 1870, Germany has viewed some times with alarm, and always with respect, the Russian population figures,which show a greater rate of increase than Germany's. Looking at the situationas it existed at the outbreak of the First World War solely from the point of view of population trends, Cernlany could feel that time was on Russia's side, and France could feel that time was on the side of Germany, while both Austria and Russia, for other reasons already alluded to, could believe that postponement of the conflict would favor the opponent. Thus all the protagonists, with the excephon of Great Britain, had reasons of their own to prefer a war in 1914 to a peaceful settlement which they could not regard as definite, but only as a breathing spell before the unavoidable settling of a ccounts.As the shifts in the distribution of power within Europe in recent history have been roughly duplicated by the changes in population trends, so the emergence of the United States as the great power center of the West, taking the place of Western and Central Europe, can be read in the population figures of the respective countries. In 1870, the population of France as well as of Germany exceeded that of the United States. Yet,in 1940, the population of the United States had increased by 100 million while the combined increase in the populations of France and Germany in the same period amounted to only thirty-one million.It is thus obvious that a nation cannot be the first rank without a populationsufficiently large to create and apply the material implements of nationalpower. On the other hand, it has become obvious only in recent times that alarge population can also exert a drastically negative influence upon nationaJpower. This has happened in so-called underdeveloped nations, such as Indiaand Egypt, whose populations have greatly increased, by virtue of a decrease in the mortality rates,while their food supply did not keep pace with the increase in population,These countrie were continually faced with the therat of famine and with the need to take care of large masses of undernourished and diseased people ,They had to divert scarce resources from the development of their national power to the feeding and cart of ftheir populations,The largeness of their population ,far from being an asset for their national power,is anobstacle to its develppment,For such nations,to bring the number of ther population into harmony with their resources is a necessity ,and if resources population in to its development,For such nations,to bring the number of their cannot be increased,population control is a precondition of national power,,Trends It is obvious from what has been said thus far that in trying to assess the future distribution of power the prediction of population trends plays an important role.
……
前言/序言
权力、冲突与秩序的永恒求索:一部理解国家行为与全球动态的深刻剖析 我们身处一个由无数国家构成的复杂网络之中,每个国家都怀揣着自身的利益、追求着安全与繁荣,并试图在这个充满不确定性的世界舞台上寻觅一席之地。理解国家间的互动模式,洞察冲突的根源,探寻通往持久和平的路径,是关乎全人类福祉的重大课题。本书正是为了回应这一时代命题而生,它以一种宏大而审慎的视角,带领读者深入探究“国家间政治”这一核心议题,勾勒出权力斗争的逻辑,解析和平的脆弱性,并揭示塑造我们所处全球格局的关键力量。 本书并非简单罗列国际事件的年鉴,也非停留在对时事新闻的表面描摹。它是一次对国际政治深层结构与内在驱动力的系统性探寻。作者以深厚的理论功底和丰富的历史洞察,为我们构建了一个理解国际关系的基本框架。在这里,国家不再是抽象的符号,而是拥有清晰的动机、战略和行为逻辑的主体。它们在无政府状态(Anarchy)这一国际体系的基本特征下,被驱使着去追求权力。这种对权力的追求,既是国家生存的首要条件,也是其扩张与安全的内在动力。权力,在这里被视为国家行动的核心变量,它决定了国家在国际体系中的相对地位,影响着其与他国的互动方式,甚至塑造着国际秩序的形成与演变。 本书的精髓在于,它不仅揭示了权力斗争的残酷现实,更重要的是,它也深刻地探讨了“和平”的本质与可能性。权力斗争并非注定导向永恒的战争,而是存在着走向稳定的可能性。作者敏锐地捕捉到,在权力竞争的缝隙中,也孕育着合作的种子。国家并非完全孤立的个体,它们之间存在着共同的利益,例如经济繁荣、区域稳定,甚至是对共同威胁的应对。这些共同利益,为跨越权力鸿沟的合作提供了基础。本书详细剖析了实现和平的多种途径,从力量平衡(Balance of Power)的微妙制衡,到集体安全(Collective Security)的机制构建,再到国际制度(International Institutions)的规范约束,都得到了深入的探讨。它让我们看到,即使在充满竞争的世界,理性与智慧依然能够为构建更稳定、更和平的国际环境贡献力量。 在“国家间政治”这个广阔的领域中,本书聚焦于“权力斗争”与“和平”这两个核心矛盾。它审视了历史上的经典案例,从古典时代的城邦争霸,到近代民族国家的崛起,再到两次世界大战的惨痛教训,无不印证着权力斗争的普遍性。然而,作者并未止步于此,而是着眼于如何从这些斗争中汲取智慧,寻找通往持久和平的道路。本书深入分析了威慑(Deterrence)理论在维护战略平衡中的作用,探讨了外交(Diplomacy)在化解危机、构建共识中的关键地位,以及国际法(International Law)在规范国家行为、约束权力滥用方面的作用。 本书之所以能够成为理解国家间政治的经典之作,在于其独特的分析视角和深刻的洞察力。它认识到,国际关系的研究不能仅仅停留在现象层面,而必须深入到其背后的逻辑和动机。权力,作为国际政治的“硬通货”,其运作机制是理解一切国家行为的关键。无论是一个大国的崛起,一个地区的紧张局势,还是国际组织的作用,都离不开对权力的考量。作者以一种冷静而客观的态度,分析了不同类型权力的特征,如军事力量、经济实力、意识形态影响力等,并探讨了它们在相互作用中如何影响国家决策和战略选择。 与此同时,本书对“和平”的探讨也并非理想化的空谈,而是建立在对现实政治深刻理解的基础之上。它承认,和平的实现是一个艰难而持续的过程,需要付出巨大的努力和智慧。本书详尽地分析了导致冲突的根源,包括资源争夺、意识形态分歧、民族主义情绪的膨胀、历史遗留问题等,并在此基础上,探讨了克服这些障碍、实现和平的策略。它强调了对话与沟通的重要性,指出即使在最激烈的对峙中,保持沟通渠道的畅通也至关重要。同时,它也关注了经济相互依存、文化交流等“软性”因素在促进和平中的作用,认为这些因素能够潜移默化地增进国家间的理解与信任。 “简明版”的定位,使得本书在保持学术深度和广度的同时,更加注重内容的精炼与提炼。它旨在为广大读者提供一个清晰、易懂且具有启发性的指南,帮助他们快速掌握国家间政治的核心概念和基本原理。本书的语言风格严谨而不失可读性,理论分析与案例研究相结合,使得抽象的政治理论变得生动具体。对于任何希望深入理解当前全球局势,洞察国家行为背后的逻辑,以及思考未来国际和平走向的读者而言,本书都将是一份不可或缺的宝贵资源。 本书的内容涵盖了国际关系理论的多个重要流派,但其核心价值在于其整合性的分析框架。它既吸收了现实主义(Realism)对权力与国家利益的强调,也借鉴了自由主义(Liberalism)对制度与合作的关注,同时不回避对建构主义(Constructivism)等其他视角的探讨。这种多元化的视角,使得本书能够更全面、更立体地呈现国家间政治的复杂图景。 总而言之,本书是一次关于权力、冲突与和平的深刻哲学反思,也是一次对国际关系实践的冷静观察。它鼓励读者以一种批判性的思维去审视世界,去理解那些驱动着国家行为的力量,去探寻那些能够将我们引向更稳定、更持久和平的道路。在充满变数的国际环境中,本书提供的知识和洞察,无疑将是每一位关心世界未来的人士的宝贵财富。它不仅是一本学术著作,更是一份对人类共同命运的思考与呼唤。