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內容簡介

《政府論》是英國約翰·洛剋(John Locke)於1690年齣版的政治著作,其匯集瞭洛剋的主要政治哲學思想,不僅使洛剋成為古典自由主義思想的集大成者,而且對於後世的現實政治産生瞭深遠的影響。該書分為上下兩篇,上篇集中駁斥瞭當時占統治地位的君權神授說和王位世襲論,下篇係統地闡述瞭公民政府的真正起源、範圍、目的。全書齣色完成瞭為英國資産階級革命辯護的任務,對英國政治、經濟的發展起到瞭巨大的推動作用。《政府論》被譽為“近代資産階級革命的《聖經》”,至今仍被學者們視為可同亞裏士多德的《政治學》相媲美的政治學經典著作。

古人有雲：朝聞道，夕死可矣。人是社會動物，都有窺探社會組織架構、瞭解社會組織形態的好奇心和衝動。而現代社會更多脫胎於始於歐洲的資産階級革命，要想做這方麵的探究，和偉人直接對話是一條捷徑。這就是這套原版的社科經典叢書的編輯初衷。不管你是學哲學的學生，還是從事社會科學研究的學者，不讀幾部經典原著，不在書架上擺上一套經典原著，應該是人生的一大憾事。

作者簡介

約翰 洛剋，英國哲學傢。他主張宗教寬容，開創瞭經驗主義，是第1個全麵闡述憲政民主思想以及提倡人的“自然權利”的哲學傢，其政治理念深遠地影響瞭美國、法國、英國以及其他的西方國傢。

目錄

The Preface 001

CHAPTER 1 004

CHAPTER 2 Of the State of Nature 006

CHAPTER 3 Of the State of Wa 015

CHAPTER 4 Of Slavery 020

CHAPTER 5 Of Property 022

CHAPTER 6 Of Paternal Powe 039

CHAPTER 7 Of Political or Civil Society 056

CHAPTER 8 Of the Beginning of Political Societies 069

CHAPTER 9 Of the Ends of Political Society and Government 088

CHAPTER 10 Of the Forms of a Commonwealth 092

CHAPTER 11 Of the Extent of the Legislative Power 094

CHAPTER 12 Of the Legislative, Executive, and Federative Power of the Commonwealth 103

CHAPTER 13 Of the Subordination of the Powers of the Commonwealth 106

CHAPTER 14 Of Prerogative 115

CHAPTER 15 Of Paternal, Political, and Despotical Power, Considered Togethe 122

CHAPTER 16 Of Conquest 126

CHAPTER 17.Of Usurpation 140

CHAPTER 18 Of Tyranny 142

CHAPTER 19 Of the Dissolution of Government 150

精彩書摘

SECOND TREATISE OF GOVERNMENT：

AN ESSAY CONCERNING THE TRUE ORIGINAL,

EXTENT AND END OF CIVIL GOVERNMENT

BY JOHN LOCKE

The Preface

Reader, thou hast here the beginning and end of a discourse concerning government; what fate has otherwise disposed of the papers that should have filled up the middle, and were more than all the rest, it is not worth while to tell thee. These, which remain, I hope are sufficient to establish the throne of our great restorer, our present King William; to make good his title, in the consent of the people, which being the only one of all lawful governments, he has more fully and clearly, than any prince in Christendom; and to justify to the world the people of England, whose love of their just and natural rights, with their resolution to preserve them, saved the nation when it was on the very brink of slavery and ruin. If these papers have that evidence, I flatter myself is to be found in them, there will be no great miss of those which are lost, and my reader may be satisfied without them: for I imagine, I shall have neither the time, nor inclination to repeat my pains, and fill up the wanting part of my answer, by tracing Sir Robert again, through all the windings and obscurities, which are to be met with in the several branches of his wonderful system. The king, and body of the nation, have since so thoroughly confuted his Hypothesis, that I suppose no body hereafter will have either the confidence to appear against our common safety, and be again an advocate for slavery; or the weakness to be deceived with contradictions dressed up in a popular stile, and well-turned periods: for if any one will be at the pains, himself, in those parts, which are here untouched, to strip Sir Robert's discourses of the flourish of doubtful expressions, and endeavour to reduce his words to direct, positive, intelligible propositions, and then compare them one with another, he will quickly be satisfied, there was never so much glib nonsense put together in well-sounding English. If he think it not worth while to examine his works all thro', let him make an experiment in that part, where he treats of usurpation; and let him try, whether he can, with all his skill, make Sir Robert intelligible, and consistent with himself, or common sense. I should not speak so plainly of a gentleman, long since past answering, had not the pulpit, of late years, publicly owned his doctrine, and made it the current divinity of the times. It is necessary those men, who taking on them to be teachers, have so dangerously misled others, should be openly shewed of what authority this their Patriarch is, whom they have so blindly followed, that so they may either retract what upon so ill grounds they have vented, and cannot be maintained; or else justify those principles which they preached up for gospel; though they had no better an author than an English courtier: for I should not have writ against Sir Robert, or taken the pains to shew his mistakes, inconsistencies, and want of (what he so much boasts of, and pretends wholly to build on) scripture-proofs, were there not men amongst us, who, by crying up his books, and espousing his doctrine, save me from the reproach of writing against a dead adversary. They have been so zealous in this point, that, if I have done him any wrong, I cannot hope they should spare me. I wish, where they have done the truth and the public wrong, they would be as ready to redress it, and allow its just weight to this reflection, viz. that there cannot be done a greater mischief to prince and people, than the propagating wrong notions concerning government; that so at last all times might not have reason to complain of the Drum Ecclesiastic. If any one, concerned really for truth, undertake the confutation of my Hypothesis, I promise him either to recant my mistake, upon fair conviction; or to answer his difficulties. But he must remember two things.

First, That cavilling here and there, at some expression, or little incident of my discourse, is not an answer to my book.

Secondly, That I shall not take railing for arguments, nor think either of these worth my notice, though I shall always look on myself as bound to give satisfaction to any one, who shall appear to be conscientiously scrupulous in the point, and shall shew any just grounds for his scruples.

I have nothing more, but to advertise the reader, that Observations stands for Observations on Hobbs, Milton, &c.; and that a bare quotation of pages always means pages of his Patriarcha, Edition 1680.

CHAPTER I

Sect. 1. It having been shewn in the foregoing discourse,That Adam had not, either by natural right of fatherhood, or by positive donation from God, any such authority over his children, or dominion over the world, as is pretended:

That if he had, his heirs, yet, had no right to it:

That if his heirs had, there being no law of nature nor positive law of God that determines which is the right heir in all cases that may arise, the right of succession, and consequently of bearing rule, could not have been certainly determined:

That if even that had been determined, yet the knowledge of which is the eldest line of Adam's posterity, being so long since utterly lost, that in the races of mankind and families of the world, there remains not to one above another, the least pretence to be the eldest house, and to have the right of inheritance:

All these premises having, as I think, been clearly made out, it is impossible that the rulers now on earth should make any benefit, or derive any the least shadow of authority from that, which is held to be the fountain of all power, Adam's private dominion and paternal jurisdiction; so that he that will not give just occasion to think that all government in the world is the product only of force and violence, and that men live together by no other rules but that of beasts, where the strongest carries it, and so lay a foundation for perpetual disorder and mischief, tumult, sedition and rebellion, (things that the followers of that hypothesis so loudly cry out against) must of necessity find out another rise of government, another original of political power, and another way of designing and knowing the persons that have it, than what Sir Robert Filmer hath taught us.

Sect. 2. To this purpose, I think it may not be amiss, to set down what I take to be political power; that the power of a MAGISTRATE over a subject may be distinguished from that of a FATHER over his children, a MASTER over his servant, a HUSBAND over his wife, and a LORD over his slave. All which distinct powers happening sometimes together in the same man, if he be considered under these different relations, it may help us to distinguish these powers one from wealth, a father of a family, and a captain of a galley.

Sect. 3. POLITICAL POWER, then, I take to be a RIGHT of making laws with penalties of death, and consequently all less penaltie 政府論（全英文原版） [The Second Treatise of Government] 下載 mobi epub pdf txt 電子書

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標題有漏印，英語單詞的排版有錯，好像是盜版